It’s a tricky situation with no easy way out. Pakistan’s internal security needs have never been greater and more funding is required to sustain the fight against militancy. At the same time, however, the country is faced with a dire shortage of resources.

Both the government and the security apparatus are on the same page where tackling militancy is concerned, nor is there any shortage of public support for the war effort. But the commitment and consensus seen in recent months cannot by itself ensure victory, which is a distant goal anyway and no one can say what pitfalls lie ahead. Matters have been made worse by delays in payments promised to Pakistan under the Coalition Support Fund programme. The latter though are expected to start trickling in shortly.

It was against this backdrop that the federal cabinet decided on Wednesday that as much as 30 per cent of the social sector’s budgetary allocation would be diverted to security expenditure. This massive cut of Rs170bn will deal a severe blow to development and income support programmes at a time when millions are suffering agonies on account of sky-high food inflation and cyclical poverty.

Some 60 years after the creation of Pakistan, a large section of the population still lacks access to clean drinking water, adequate food, sanitation facilities, healthcare and education. One couple’s life of deprivation is almost always the fate of their children as well. Such unrelenting misery not only destroys lives but also contributes to the rise of extremism. The link between poverty or lack of opportunity and the growth of militancy in Pakistan is widely accepted. When a man cannot feed or school his son, he may opt for a madressah where the child would at least eat and receive instruction in religion. In some cases he may also be subjected to a heavy dose of the ideology of hate. Take also the case of unemployed young men in underdeveloped areas like the tribal belt where opportunities are scarce. They may well turn to the Taliban who not only provide a steady income but also a sense of empowerment and prestige.

Even if a reduction in development expenditure was inevitable, was there no way of softening the blow? Couldn’t the cuts needed to control the budget deficit be spread around more evenly instead of hitting social services so hard? Was any thought given to putting the government on a crash diet and checking its profligate ways? Every rupee that can be salvaged by Islamabad must be ploughed into the development sector. The country’s future is at stake.