ANALYSIS: Political confrontation and democracy —Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi

The PML-N faces controversies about several aspects of governance, especially the two-rupee roti project, poor governance, growing activism of militant Islamic groups and refusal of the Punjab government to admit that Punjab has become an active centre of militancy

Current efforts to sustain the democratic, civilian political order face three challenges: the troubled economy, religious extremism and terrorism, and the efforts of the superior judiciary to expand its role at the expense of elected institutions. The economic challenge, both at the macro and the micro levels, is so pervasive that Pakistan’s political class will have to rise above their partisan interests to address this issue. Instead of viewing the economic troubles, especially growing economic pressures on the common people, as an opportunity to lash out at the government, the opposition should offer concrete proposals and work with the government to cope with this challenge. Some of our economic problems can be attributed to poor governance on the part of the federal government but these economic problems are deep rooted, requiring an all-encompassing approach by the political and economic/financial elite.

The attack on the Data Darbar shrine in Lahore, one of the most popular shrines in Punjab, on July 1, is yet another reminder — if some proof was still needed — of the threat of terrorism to the Pakistani state and society. Hardline extremist Islamic groups, based in the tribal areas and mainland Pakistan, especially in Punjab, are showing greater activism to cause disorder and chaos in society. They are now focusing on soft targets like places visited by the common people. In this case, sectarian and denominational considerations appear to have played a role. In the past, several shrines were attacked and damaged in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

The superior judiciary is building pressure on the elected parliament and the executive by stretching the doctrine of judicial activism. A number of statements and comments of some judges appear to have strong political undertones in Pakistan’s polarised political landscape. Judicial activism has increased the crisis of political legitimacy for the elected executive and parliament.

It is in this unsettled political context that the PML-N chief, Nawaz Sharif, decided to launch a major political offensive against the federal government. He made three statements on May 25, June 26 and 29, 2010, putting the federal government on notice for “setting its direction right”, otherwise his party “would no more remain silent and play its role”. He accused the federal government of extreme corruption, failure in governance and neglecting the interests of the people. He also thought that the federal government was defying the superior judiciary and that it would have to “bow its head” to the “independent judiciary”. If the federal government did not do so, the PML-N would “play its role” for securing its compliance, declared Nawaz Sharif.

It is understandable that Nawaz Sharif has given up his cool and threatened to take on the government. A major calculation about the collapse or removal of the federal government has not materialised. The most popular assumption in political circles, post-NRO judgement of the Supreme Court (mid-December 2009), was that the Supreme Court or the high courts would deliver some judgement against the federal government or President Asif Ali Zardari in the host of cases filed against them during the last six months. The opposition would then find it easy to seek the removal of the government. This did not happen and the federal government managed to survive. However, the judicial challenge is still there because PPP adversaries continue to file cases against the federal government and President Zardari with the hope that the courts will knock out both or restrain their role.

Another pressure on the PML-N is being caused by the fake degrees issue. Though the PPP is also affected by this problem, the impression in political circles is that the PML-N may lose more parliamentarians in this regard. Still another problem for the PML-N is that its provincial government also faces controversies about several aspects of governance, especially the two-rupee roti project, poor governance, growing activism of militant Islamic groups and refusal of the Punjab government to admit that Punjab has become an active centre of militancy. There have been complaints about the links between some militant groups and some PML-N leaders and polemical exchanges between the Punjab governor and some provincial ministers and advisers.

Above all, the PML-N is perturbed by the federal law minister’s frequent visits to various bar councils and his doling out funds to them. This practice existed in the past but the federal law minister is donating money to various bar councils with greater frequency. The PML-N views this as an attempt by the PPP to strengthen its position among the lawyers at the expense of other political forces.

All this created the impression that the PPP-led federal government was getting away with its power management. The hardliners in the PML-N felt that growing PPP activism needed to be checked because it could hurt the PML-N’s interests in Punjab. Nawaz Sharif agreed to build pressure on the PPP by reminding the federal government that the PML-N has enough organisational strength to put a check on the PPP as a party and the government. He accused the federal government of disrespecting the superior judiciary in order to convey a discreet message to the judiciary that if it gives some adverse judgement about the federal government or President Zardari, the PML-N will work towards the implementation of such a judgement.

As controversies between the PML-N and the PPP intensified, the chief justice of the Lahore High Court gave some unusual ‘advice’ to the PPP for withdrawing from the Punjab government. He also made critical comments on the US drone attacks on Pakistani territory on another occasion. A statement from the chief justice of Peshawar High Court was reported in the press on June 29, 2010, which was also politically loaded. The judges need to be cautious in making comments on politically controversial matters. There is a well-articulated code of conduct prepared by judges themselves that needs to be respected by the judges.

Political leaders should never think of changing the political arrangements and processes through extra-parliamentary methods or through the courts. A premature knockout of the PPP government is no guarantee that the PML-N will assume power. Any major political upset by other means would also jeopardise the future of the PML-N government in Punjab. If political forces engage in a ‘now or never’ power struggle, Pakistan can degenerate into a non-functioning state and they will lose the political initiative to non-elected institutions.

Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst