COMMENT: A bridge to cross —Shahzad Chaudhry

In General Zia’s time it was ordered to replace secular slogans with Islamic inscriptions as emblems of identity and motivation in the army units; once in place, no amount of ‘enlightened moderation’ has been able to change that one single factor of committing the soldier to his task in the name of religion

Both Faisal Shahzad and the Facebook episode have brought to the fore the centrality of how the Muslims, of Pakistan at least, contend with the issue of religion. There is no doubt that the state and religion have, over time, developed such intricate dependencies that despite efforts on a few occasions it has almost become impossible to shake one away from the other. Nay, it is almost blasphemous to, God forbid, even think of the heretical. To investigate the role that religion plays in our national existence is perhaps the need of the hour, but we are scared into submission before this disproportionate behemoth of religiosity that we don over all else and refuse to either exit the shell or let another thought permeate. Imam Ghazali, the paragon of locating religious thought on the threshold (dehleez), and enabling fresher wafts enter and mingle with what is the core of religious belief (akin to letting faiths, thoughts, ideas and interpretations interact and form the rosary of a more vigorous and enlivened spiritual existence) is bound to be an uneasy soul. In contrast, now the more popular and prevalent sense of a shut and closed religion practically defeats the existential ethos of Islam, based on ‘inquiry’. The more revered and profoundly equipped will quote profusely from the Holy Quran and Ahadith to substantiate how Allah Almighty enjoins upon Muslims the duty to seek and reinforce the essence of learning beyond what is known. Somewhere along the way we lost track of the underlying purpose of our spiritual existence.

On a panel discussion in the aftermath of the Facebook episode, I found myself disempowered to state, in clear blatant terms, how inappropriate, for example, was the agitated recourse to a street display of the sentiment of affection for the religion and the Holy Prophet (PBUH). I had to moderate my thoughts to be acceptable to an audience that was already highly emotive and exceptionally demonstrative on the issue. In such a prescriptive environment, the religion now is a cut and dried thing, making it significantly harder to confront and contend with the outrage of violating a core sensitivity of Muslims with reason, logic and deliberate engagement of those propounding to inflame Muslim sensitivity. Was it so intended? Is a living religion, and especially one that is seen as the fastest spreading, not meant to engage in inquiry and discovery, the two inalienable elements of faith? Equally important is the need for introspection amongst the Muslims to determine the shallow levels of knowledge, absence of informed judgement and a culture of inquiry that has this beleaguered people at the bottom of the pile amongst, not only the Abrahamic religions, but also other denominations — look at both India and China.

Yet it was the Muslims who enriched the world with discovery after discovery in a vast field of studies in algebra, chemistry, navigation instruments, trade, sea-faring and so on. Till late into the 13th century, and thereon selectively in parts of the world, while Europe lived in the age of savagery and barbarism, capitals of the Muslim world were famous as centres of culture, education and repositories of knowledge. Today, amongst all, Muslims account for the least per capita PhDs, least number of universities, lowest numbers of computers per capita and a total non-existence of patents or discoveries. It is easier to target the Muslim world since it is on a rapid slide. Instead, the Muslim world relies on three staples: emotion, history and agitation. Sadly, terrorism gets attached with equally easy propensity.

Pakistan’s default DNA too is to be blamed. Not its Islamic character, but how blatantly we have misused religion for other purposes. As the Pakistan Movement gained strength, we fell on the need to sloganeer our Muslim character as a rallying point for the political movement to gain irresistible momentum. We were moved to formalise the same after independence with an Objectives Resolution. It became impossible to keep such a resolution outside the constitutional framework that was formally integrated into the constitution by the zealous Ziaul Haq. Bhutto, before him, had capitulated before the religiously oriented rightist movement of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) and formally enabled religious characterisation of the state — all as political expediency. Politicisation of Islam over these years has made it impossible now for the religion to be ever taken off the socio-political agenda. Islam is much more but the interests of the politico-religious elites restrict it to only garnering political mileage and staying relevant to the national political scene.

In General Zia’s time it was ordered to replace secular slogans with Islamic inscriptions as emblems of identity and motivation in the army units; once in place, no amount of ‘enlightened moderation’ has been able to change that one single factor of committing the soldier to his task in the name of religion. Earlier he fought for his country and supported that with the strength of his faith, today the ‘nation’ is no more recognisable as a motivational factor, and even as he fights the Muslim enemies of his state, he must fall back on the comparative superiority of his belief in the same religion that his target claims as his raison d’être too. In all cases, religion continues to be misappropriated for exploitative use.

The dissolution of the Pakistani nationalistic identity has been an unintended consequence, and at what huge cost. Faisal Shahzad and his ilk, when they lose their bearings in alien surroundings, their only redoubt for identity must remain their roots wherefrom stares only a huge vacuum. The Pakistan story no longer exists. The only available narrative is that of a distorted religious discourse intent on deepening the fissures in Pakistan’s societal decomposition. The nation continues to remain embroiled and mentally dislocated in this din of claims and counter-claims over the righteousness of one cause or the other. Such loss of bearing can only gravitate to an impending implosion.

A couple of things need to be done right away: the political, religious and intellectual elites must recognise this state of a nation in desperate slide and own the urgency of remedial action. Pakistani identity needs to be re-established not as a decree but through concerted national action to rebuild Pakistan to a point where there exists hope and pride in identifying with it — which really means an all-round improvement in governance, performance, socio-economic opportunity and distancing from the obscurantist message of Islam. Perhaps it is time to accept religion’s centrality to our existence rather than shy away from it under some illusory notion of wishing it away. We must accept that we need to once again seek an inclusive and friendly Islam open to inquiry and truth for the underlying message. We must bring Islam into debate and discussion from a citizen’s perspective. Let the talk shows initiate an open and unbridled discussion about the religion. Let us not be scared of seeking the real meaning of Islam and subscribing to it as an article of conviction, not prescription. Let the great religion of Islam find its true spirit of inquiry, and be the binding force giving meaning to its universality and relevance for all times.

Shahzad Chaudhry is a retired air vice marshal and a former ambassador