Frederick II, the Great
Frederick II, the Great (1712-86): King of Prussia.
During his 40-year reign, Frederick II vastly increased Prussia’s wealth, doubled its size, recast it into a hub of culture and learning, and made it a great military power.
Frederick was a sensitive and intelligent humanist who composed flute concertos, wrote poetry, and produced insightful essays. His series of histories, dealing primarily with affairs of state, would eventually fill 15 volumes. He became a close friend of the French philosopher Voltaire, François-Marie Arouet de, and as monarch would surround himself with artists, writers and musicians. He was host of the most distinguished salon in Europe. Under his tutelage, Brandenburg-Prussia became one of the great intellectual centers of Europe and a mecca for the great minds of the era. With the revival of the Prussian Academy of Sciences in 1744, funding was provided to the luminaries of the French Enlightenment. To his palace of Sans Souci in Potsdam, he brought ballet, symphonic assemblies and opera companies. Frederick epitomized the “Enlightened Despot.”
Prior to ascending the throne at age 28 in 1740, he referred to military uniform as “the gown of death,” but afterwards was seldom seen wearing anything else. In 1739 he wrote a short book entitled Anti-Machiavel in which he argued that the Italian philosopher’s remorselessly pragmatic maxims were no longer suitable to a gentler, more enlightened age. He then proceeded to wage war, browbeat his neighbors, exploit diplomatic opportunities, and forge Prussia relentlessly into a great power. What, one might ask rhetorically, could be more Machiavellian, than to condemn such ruthless pursuit of power, and thereafter to conduct oneself according to Machiavelli’s very precepts? As King, Frederick was a lonely figure with a tortured soul, who thrived on nervous energy. Early in his reign, he remarked: “How I abhor this job to which the blind coincidence of birth has condemned me.”
The first half of Frederick’s reign was fraught with conflict that, although on occasion threatening Prussia’s existence, would eventually elevate it to great power status. In the first year of Frederick’s rule, the death of the Habsburg Emperor Charles VI caused a political crisis Frederick decided to exploit. Although Prussia subscribed to the Pragmatic Sanction, allowing for the ascension of Maria Theresato the throne and guaranteeing the integrity of Habsburg dominions, Frederick offered to provide assistance in Austria’s retention of these dominions in exchange for the cession of the prosperous province of Silesia to Prussia. When such diplomatic extortion was brusquely refused, Frederick’s troops seized Silesia. Thus began the War of the Austrian Succession (1740-48). When the combined forces of France, Prussia an d Bavaria threatened to overwhelm Austria in 1742, Frederick withdrew from the war, then reentered it in 1744 when Austria seemed about to defeat its remaining enemies. The war finally ended with Prussia in firm control of Silesia.
In 1756, fearing the power of Russia, Frederick concluded the Treaty of Westminster with England. The latter agreed to assist Prussia in the event of Russian attack. France, feeling abandoned for the second time, subsequently negotiated a treaty with Maria Theresa. France and Austria were consequently allied against Prussia and England. Frederick’s renewed diplomatic pressure on Austria unleashed the Seven Years War (1756-63). Prussian troops invaded Saxony, another of Maria Theresa’s dominions, and Frederick offered to return it only if Maria Theresa agreed not to enter an alliance with Russia. As a result of Prussian military action, France declared war. Russia and Sweden then entered the fray.
Although Prussia received some support from England, it stood largely alone against the alliance of the continental powers. Perseveringly and imaginatively, Frederick marched his outnumbered troops from one corner of his kingdom to another, resisting one enemy force after the next. By 1760, his armies were exhausted, their equipment and supplies depleted. Berlin was occupied, and England refused to provide further support to a lost cause. Then, in early 1762, Tsarina Elizabeth of Russia died, and her successor, Peter III, who was a great admirer of Frederick, terminated the coalition and entered into an alliance with Prussia. In the ensuing Peace of Hubertusburg, Prussia retained Silesia and East Prussia, and Saxony was accorded independence. In defending itself against three great powers, Prussia earned recognition as a great power in its own right, and Frederick was widely acknowledged as a military genius.
Thereafter, Prussia would enjoy 23 years of peace, while continuing to expand its territory, primarily at the expense of Poland. In 1772, in collusion with Russia and Austria, Frederick participated in the first partition of Poland, on the pretense that Poland’s Catholic majority engaged in religious persecution. Frederick annexed West Prussia up to the port of Danzig, joining East Prussia with Brandenburg. In 1793 and 1795, the three powers would partition Poland yet again, creating a potentially dangerous situation in Prussia as large numbers of Poles came under Prussian rule.
Frederick was referred to as “the Great,” even during his lifetime, not only because of his military prowess, but also because of his intellectual and cultural achievements, his political reforms, and the efficient state he fashioned. Reinforcing Prussian traditions of uncorrupted administration and an independent judiciary, Frederick established a Rechtsstaat (a state of laws) in Prussia where citizens enjoyed far more legal equality then in most other states. Prussia remained tolerant of all religions, and was lenient toward national minorities within its borders. Press freedom in Prussia was considerable in the context of the time. By the standards of the 18th century, Prussia had become a modern and enlightened country, with the affairs of state based largely on reason.
Walther Hubatsch, Frederick the Great of Prussia, 1975.
Peter Paret, Frederick the Great, 1972.
Hans Rosenberg, Bureaucracy, Aristocracy, Autocracy, 1958.
David M. Keithly
American Military University
Voltaire and Frederick the Great
from Books and Characters, French and English
by Lytton Strachey, 1915
edited by Geoffrey Sauer
This edition copyright © 1997 by Geoffrey Sauer
At the present time [October 1915] when it is so difficult to think of anything but of what is and what will be, it may yet be worthwhile to cast occasionally a glance backward at what was. Such glances may at least prove to have the humble merit of being entertaining: they may even be instructive as well. Certainly it would be a mistake to forget that Frederick the Great once lived in Germany. Nor is it altogether useless to remember that a curious old gentleman, extremely thin, extremely active, and heavily bewigged, once decided that, on the whole, it would be as well for him not to live in France. For, just as modern Germany dates from the accession of Frederick to the throne of Prussia, so modern France dates from the establishment of Voltaire on the banks of the Lake of Geneva. The intersection of those two momentous lives forms one of the most curious and one of the most celebrated incidents in history. To English readers it is probably best known through the few brilliant paragraphs devoted to it by Macaulay; though Carlyle’s masterly and far more elaborate narrative is familiar to every lover of The History of Friedrich II. Since Carlyle wrote, however, fifty years have passed. New points of view have arisen, and a certain amount of new material — including the valuable edition of the correspondence between Voltaire and Frederick published from the original documents in the Archives at Berlin — has become available. It seems, therefore, in spite of the familiarity of the main outlines of the story, that another rapid review of it will not be out of place.
Voltaire was forty-two years of age, and already one of the most famous men of the day, when, in August 1736, he received a letter from the Crown Prince of Prussia. This letter was the first in a correspondence which was to last, with a few remarkable intervals, for a space of over forty years. It was written by a young man of twenty-four, of whose personal qualities very little was known, and whose importance seemed to lie simply in the fact that he was heir- apparent to one of the secondary European monarchies. Voltaire, however, was not the man to turn up his nose at royalty, in whatever form it might present itself; and it was moreover clear that the young Prince had picked up at least a smattering of French culture, that he was genuinely anxious to become acquainted with the tendencies of modern thought, and, above all, that his admiration for the author of the Henriede and Zaire was unbounded.
La douceur et le support [wrote Frederick] que vous marques pour tous ceux qui se vouent aux arts et aux sciences, me font espérer que vous ne m’exclurez pas du nombre de ceux que vous trouvez dignes de vos instructions. Je nomme ainsi votre corm merce de lettres, qui ne peut être que profitable à tout être pensant. J’ose même avancer, sans déroger, au mérite d’autrui, que dans l’univers entier il n’y aurait pas d’exception à faire de ceux dont vous ne pourriez être le maître.
The great man was accordingly delighted; he replied with all that graceful affability of which he was a master, declared that his correspondent was “un prince philosophe qui rendra les hommes heureux,” and showed that he meant business by plunging at once into a discussion of the metaphysical doctrines of “le sieur Wolf,” whom Frederick had commended as “le plus célèbre philosophe de nos jours.” For the next four years the correspondence continued on the lines thus laid down. It was a correspondence between a master and a pupil: Frederick, his passions divided between German philosophy and French poetry, poured out with equal copiousness disquisitions upon Free Will and la raison suffisante, odes sur la Flatterie, and epistles sur l’Humanité, while Voltaire kept the ball rolling with no less enormous philosophical replies, together with minute criticisms of His Royal Highness’s mistakes in French metre and French orthography. Thus, though the interest of these early letters must have been intense to the young Prince, they have far too little personal flavour to be anything but extremely tedious to the reader of to-day. Only very occasionally is it possible to detect, amid the long and careful periods, some faint signs of feeling or of character. Voltaire’s empressement seems to take on, once or twice, the colours of something like a real enthusiasm; and one notices that, after two years, Frederick’s letters begin no longer with “Monsieur ” but with “Mon cher ami” which glides at last insensibly into “Mon cher Voltaire”; though the careful poet continues with his “Monseigneur” throughout. Then, on one occasion, Frederick makes a little avowal, which reads oddly in the light of future events.
Souffrez [he says] que je vous fasse mon caractère, afin que vous ne vous y mépreniez plus…. J’ai peu de mérite et peu de savoir; mais j’ai beaucoup de bonne volonté, et un fonds inépuisable d’estime et d’amitié pour les personnes d’une vertu distinguée et avec cela je suis capable de toute la constance que la vraie amitié exige. J’ai assez de jugement pour vous rendre toute la justice que vous méritez; mais je n’en ai pas assez pour m’empêcher de faire de mauvais vers.
But this is exceptional; as a rule, elaborate compliments take the place of personal confessions; and, while Voltaire is never tired of comparing Frederick to Apollo, Alcibiades, and the youthful Marcus Aurelius, of proclaiming the re-birth of “les talents de Virgile et les vertus d’Auguste,” or of declaring that “Socrate ne m’est rien, c’est Frédéric que j’aime,” the Crown Prince is on his side ready with an equal flow of protestations, which sometimes rise to singular heights. “Ne croyez pas,” he says, “que je pousse mon scepticisme a outrance… Je crois, par exemple, qu’il n’y a qu’un Dieu et qu’un Voltaire dans le monde; je crois encore que ce Dieu avait besoin dans ce siècle d’un Voltaire pour le rendre aimable.” Decidedly the Prince’s compliments were too emphatic, and the poet’s too ingenious; as Voltaire himself said afterwards, “les epithetes ne nous coutaient rien”; yet neither was without a little residue of sincerity. Frederick’s admiration bordered upon the sentimental; and Voltaire had begun to allow himself to hope that some day, in a provincial German court, there might be found a crowned head devoting his life to philosophy, good sense, and the love of letters. Both were to receive a curious awakening.
In 1740 Frederick became King of Prussia, and a new epoch in the relations between the two men began. The next ten years were, on both sides, years of growing disillusionment. Voltaire very soon discovered that his phrase about “un prince philosophe qui rendra les hommes heureux ” was indeed a phrase and nothing more. His prince philosophe started out on a career of conquest, plunged all Europe into war, and turned Prussia into a great military power. Frederick, it appeared, was at once a far more important and a far more dangerous phenomenon than Voltaire had suspected. And, on the other hand, the matured mind of the King was not slow to perceive that the enthusiasm of the Prince needed a good deal of qualification. This change of view was, indeed, remarkably rapid. Nothing is more striking than the alteration of the tone in Frederick’s correspondence during the few months which followed his accession: the voice of the raw and inexperienced youth is heard no more, and its place is taken — at once and for ever — by the self-contained caustic utterance of an embittered man of the world. In this transformation it was only natural that the wondrous figure of Voltaire should lose some of its glitter — especially since Frederick now began to have the opportunity of inspecting that figure in the flesh with his own sharp eyes. The friends met three or four times, and it is noticeable that after each meeting there is a distinct coolness on the part of Frederick. He writes with a sudden brusqueness to accuse Voltaire of showing about his manuscripts, which, he says had only been sent him on the condition of un secret inviolable. He writes to Jordan complaining of Voltaire’s avarice in very stringent terms. “Ton avare boira la lie de son insatiable désir de s’enrichir… Son apparition de six jours me coûtera par journée cinq cent cinquante écus. C’est bien payer un fou; jamais bouffon de grand seigneur n!eut de pareils gages.” He declares that “la cervelle du poète est aussi légère que le style de ses ouvrages,” and remarks sarcastically that he is indeed a man extraordinsire en tout.
Yet, while his opinion of Voltaire’s character was rapidly growing more and more severe, his admiration of his talents remained undiminished. For, though he had dropped metaphysics when he came to the throne, Frederick could never drop his passion for French poetry; he recognised in Voltaire the unapproachable master of that absorbing art; and for years he had made up his mind that, some day or other, he would posséder — for so he put it — the author of the Henriade, would keep him at Berlin as the brightest ornament of his court, and, above all, would have him always ready at hand to put the final polish on his own verses. In the autumn of 1743 it seemed for a moment that his wish would be gratified. Voltaire spent a visit of several weeks in Berlin; he was dazzled by the graciousness of his reception and the splendour of his surroundings; and he began to listen to the honeyed overtures of the Prussian Majesty. The great obstacle to Frederick’s desire was Voltaire’s relationship with Madame du Chatelet. He had lived with her for more than ten years; he was attached to her by all the ties of friendship and gratitude; he had constantly declared that he would never leave her — no, not for all the seductions of princes. She would, it is true, have been willing to accompany Voltaire to Berlin; but such a solution would by no means have suited Frederick. He was not fond of ladies — even of ladies like Madame du Chatelet — learned enough to translate Newton and to discuss by the hour the niceties of the Leibnitzian philosophy; and he had determined to posséder Voltaire either completely or not at all. Voltaire, in spite of repeated temptations, had remained faithful; but now, for the first time, poor Madame du Chatelet began to be seriously alarmed. His letters from Berlin grew fewer and fewer, and more and more ambiguous; she knew nothing of his plans; “il est ivre absolument” she burst out in her distress to d’Argental, one of his oldest friends. By every post she dreaded to learn at last that he had deserted her for ever. But suddenly Voltaire returned. The spell of Berlin had been broken, and he was at her feet once more.
What had happened was highly characteristic both of the Poet and of the King. Each had tried to play a trick on the other, and each had found the other out. The French Government had been anxious to obtain an insight into the diplomatic intentions of Frederick, in an unofficial way; Voltaire had offered his services, and it had been agreed that he should write to Frederick declaring that he was obliged to leave France for a time owing to the hostility of a member of the Government, the Bishop of Mirepoix, and asking for Frederick’s hospitality. Frederick had not been taken in: though he had not disentangled the whole plot, he had perceived clearly enough that Voltaire’s visit was in reality that of an agent of the French Government; he also thought he saw an opportunity of securing the desire of his heart. Voltaire, to give verisimilitude to his story, had, in his letter to Frederick, loaded the Bishop of Mirepoix with ridicule and abuse; and Frederick now secretly sent this letter to Mirepoix himself. His calculation was that Mirepoix would be so outraged that he would make it impossible for Voltaire ever to return to France; and in that case — well, Voltaire would have no other course open to him but to stay where he was, in Berlin, and Madame du Chatelet would have to make the best of it. Of course, Frederick’s plan failed, and Voltaire was duly informed by Mirepoix of what had happened. He was naturally very angry. He had been almost induced to stay in Berlin of his own accord, and now he found that his host had been attempting, by means of treachery and intrigue, to force him to stay there whether he liked it or not. It was a long time before he forgave Frederick. But the King was most anxious to patch up the quarrel; he still could not abandon the hope of ultimately securing Voltaire; and besides, he was now possessed by another and a more immediate desire — to be allowed a glimpse of that famous and scandalous work which Voltaire kept locked in the innermost drawer of his cabinet and revealed to none but the most favoured of his intimates — La Pucelle.
Accordingly the royal letters became more frequent and more flattering than ever; the royal hand cajoled and implored. “Ne me faites point injustice sur mon caractère; d’ailleurs il vous est permis de badiner sur mon sujet comme il vous plaira.” “La Pucelle! La Pucelle! La Pucelle! et encore La Pucelle!” he exclaims. “Pour l’amour de Dieu, ou plus encore pour l’amour de vous-même, envoyez la-moi.” And at last Voltaire was softened. He sent off a few fragments of his Pucelle — just enough to whet Frederick’s appetite — and he declared himself reconciled. “Je vous ai aimé tendrement,” he wrote in March 1749; “j’ai été fâché contre vous, je vous ai pardonné, et actuellement je vous aime à la folie.” Within a year of this date his situation had undergone a complete change. Madame du Chatelet was dead; and his position at Versailles, in spite of the friendship of Madame de Pompadour, had become almost as impossible as he had pretended it to have been in 1743. Frederick eagerly repeated his invitation; and this time Voltaire did not refuse. He was careful to make a very good bargain; obliged Frederick to pay for his journey; and arrived at Berlin in July 1750. He was given rooms in the royal palaces both at Berlin and Potsdam; he was made a Court Chamberlain, and received the Order of Merit, together with a pension of £800 a year. These arrangements caused considerable amusement in Paris; and for some days hawkers, carrying prints of Voltaire dressed in furs, and crying “Voltaire le prussien! Six sols le fameux prussien!” were to be seen walking up and down the Quays.
The curious drama that followed, with its farcical peripeteia and its tragi-comic dénouement, can hardly be understood without a brief consideration of the feelings and intentions of the two chief actors in it. The position of Frederick is comparatively plain. He had now completely thrown aside the last lingering remnants of any esteem which he may once have entertained for the character of Voltaire. He frankly thought him a scoundrel. In September 1749, less than a year before Voltaire’s arrival, and at the very period of Frederick’s most urgent invitations, we find him using the following language in a letter to Algarotti: “Voltaire vient de faire un tour qui est indigne.” (He had been showing to all his friends a garbled copy of one of Frederick’s letters.)
Il mériterait d’être fleurdelisé au Parnasse. C’est bien dommage qu’une âme aussi lâche soit unie à un aussi beau génie. Il a les gentillesses et les malices d’un singe. Je vous conterai ce que c’est, lorsque je vous reverrai; cependant je ne ferai semblant de rien, car j’en ai besoin pour l’étude de l’élocution française. On peut apprendre de bonnes choses d’un scélérat. Je veux savoir son français; que m’importe sa morale? Cet homme a trouvé le moyen de réunir tous les contraires. On admire son esprit, en même temps qu’on méprise son caractère.
There is no ambiguity about this. Voltaire was a scoundrel; but he was a scoundrel of genius. He would make the best possible teacher of l’élocution française; therefore it was necessary that he should come and live in Berlin. But as for anything more — as for any real interchange of sympathies, any genuine feeling of friendliness, of respect, or even of regard — all that was utterly out of the question. The avowal is cynical, no doubt; but it is at any rate straightforward, and above all it is peculiarly devoid of any trace of self-deception. In the face of these trenchant sentences, the view of Frederick’s attitude which is suggested so assiduously by Carlyle — that he was the victim of an elevated misapprehension, that he was always hoping for the best, and that, when the explosion came he was very much surprised and profoundly disappointed — becomes obviously untenable. If any man ever acted with his eyes wide open, it was Frederick when he invited Voltaire to Berlin.
Yet, though that much is clear, the letter to Algarotti betrays, in more than one direction, a very singular state of mind. A warm devotion to l’élocution française is easy enough to understand; but Frederick’s devotion was much more than warm; it was so absorbing and so intense that it left him no rest until, by hook or by crook, by supplication, or by trickery, or by paying down hard cash, he had obtained the close and constant proximity of — what? — of a man whom he himself described as a “singe” and a “scélérat,” a man of base soul and despicable character. And Frederick appears to see nothing surprising in this. He takes it quite as a matter of course that he should be, not merely willing, but delighted to run all the risks involved by Voltaire’s undoubted roguery, so long as he can be sure of benefiting from Voltaire’s no less undoubted mastery of French versification. This is certainly strange; but the explanation of it lies in the extraordinary vogue — a vogue, indeed, so extraordinary that it is very difficult for the modern reader to realise it — enjoyed throughout Europe by French culture and literature during the middle years of the eighteenth century. Frederick was merely an extreme instance of a universal fact. Like all Germans of any education, he habitually wrote and spoke in French; like every lady and gentleman from Naples to Edinburgh, his life was regulated by the social conventions of France; like every amateur of letters from Madrid to St. Petersburg, his whole conception of literary taste, his whole standard of literary values, was French. To him, as to the vast majority of his contemporaries, the very essence of civilisation was concentrated in French literature, and especially in French poetry; and French poetry meant to him, as to his contemporaries, that particular kind of French poetry which had come into fashion at the court of Louis XIV. For this curious creed was as narrow as it was all-pervading. The Grand Siècle was the Church Infallible; and it was heresy to doubt the Gospel of Boileau.
Frederick’s library, still preserved at Potsdam, shows us what literature meant in those days to a cultivated man: it is composed entirely of the French Classics, of the works of Voltaire, and of the masterpieces of antiquity translated into eighteenth-century French. But Frederick was not content with mere appreciation; he too would create; he would write Alexandrines on the model of Racine, and madrigals after the manner of Chaulieu; he would press in person into the sacred sanctuary, and burn incense with his own hands upon the inmost shrine. It was true that he was a foreigner; it was true that his knowledge of the French language was incomplete and incorrect; but his sense of his own ability urged him forward, and his indefatigable pertinacity kept him at his strange task throughout the whole of his life. He filled volumes, and the contents of those volumes afford probably the most complete illustration in literature of the very trite proverb — Poeta nascitur, non fit. The spectacle of that heavy German Muse, with her feet crammed into pointed slippers, executing, with incredible conscientiousness now the stately measure of a Versailles minuet, and now the spritely steps of a Parisian jig, would be either ludicrous or pathetic — one hardly knows which — were it not so certainly neither the one nor the other, but simply dreary with an unutterable dreariness, from which the eyes of men avert themselves in shuddering dismay. Frederick himself felt that there was something wrong — something, but not really very much. All that was wanted was a little expert advice; and obviously Voltaire was the man to supply it — Voltaire, the one true heir of the Great Age, the dramatist who had revived the glories of Racine (did not Frederick’s tears flow almost as copiously over Mahomet as over Britannicus?), the epic poet who had eclipsed Homer and Virgil (had not Frederick every right to judge, since he had read the Iliad in French prose and the Aeneid in French verse?), the lyric master whose odes and whose epistles occasionally even surpassed (Frederick confessed it with amazement) those of the Marquis de la Fare. Voltaire, there could be no doubt, would do just what was needed; he would know how to squeeze in a little further the waist of the German Calliope, to apply with his deft fingers precisely the right dab of rouge to her cheeks, to instil into her movements the last nuances of correct deportment. And, if he did that, of what consequence were the blemishes of his personal character? “On peut apprendre de bonnes choses d’un scélérat.”
And, besides, though Voltaire might be a rogue, Frederick felt quite convinced that he could keep him in order. A crack or two of the master’s whip — a coldness in the royal demeanour, a hint at a stoppage of the pension — and the monkey would put an end to his tricks soon enough. It never seems to have occurred to Frederick that the possession of genius might imply a quality of spirit which was not that of an ordinary man. This was his great, his fundamental error. It was the ingenuous error of a cynic. He knew that he was under no delusion as to Voltaire’s faults, and so he supposed that he could be under no delusion as to his merits. He innocently imagined that the capacity for great writing was something that could be as easily separated from the owner of it as a hat or a glove. “C’est bien dommage qu’une âme aussi lâche soit unie a un aussi beau genie.” C’est bien dommage! — as if there was nothing more extraordinary in such a combination than that of a pretty woman and an ugly dress. And so Frederick held his whip a little tighter, and reminded himself once more that, in spite of that beau génie, it was a monkey that he had to deal with. But he was wrong: it was not a monkey; it was a devil, which is a very different thing.
A devil — or perhaps an angel? One cannot be quite sure. For, amid the complexities of that extraordinary spirit, where good and evil were so mysteriously interwoven, where the elements of darkness and the elements of light lay crowded together in such ever-deepening ambiguity, fold within fold, the clearer the vision the greater the bewilderment, the more impartial the judgment the profounder the doubt. But one thing at least is certain; that spirit, whether it was admirable or whether it was odious, was moved by a terrific force. Frederick had failed to realise this; and indeed, though Voltaire was fifty-six when he went to Berlin, and though his whole life had been spent in a blaze of publicity, there was still not one of his contemporaries who understood the true nature of his genius; it was perhaps hidden even from himself. He had reached the threshold of old age, and his life’s work was still before him; it was not as a writer of tragedies and epics that he was to take his place in the world. Was he, in the depths of his consciousness, aware that this was so? Did some obscure instinct urge him forward, at this late hour, to break with the ties of a lifetime, and rush forth into the unknown?
What his precise motives were in embarking upon the Berlin adventure it is very difficult to say. It is true that he was disgusted with Paris — he was ill-received at Court, and he was pestered by endless literary quarrels and jealousies; it would be very pleasant to show his countrymen that he had other strings to his bow, that, if they did not appreciate him, Frederick the Great did. It is true, too, that he admired Frederick’s intellect, and that he was flattered by his favour. “Il avait de l’esprit,” he said afterwards, “des grâces, et, de plus, il était roi; ce qui fait toujours une grande séduction, attendu la faiblesse humaine.” His vanity could not resist the prestige of a royal intimacy; and no doubt he relished to the full even the increased consequence which came to him with his chamberlain’s key and his order — to say nothing of the addition of £800 to his income. Yet, on the other hand, he was very well aware that he was exchanging freedom for servitude, and that he was entering into a bargain with a man who would make quite sure that he was getting his money’s worth; and he knew in his heart that he had something better to do than to play, however successfully, the part of a courtier. Nor was he personally attached to Frederick; he was personally attached to no one on earth. Certainly he had never been a man of feeling, and now that he was old and hardened by the uses of the world he had grown to be completely what in essence he always was — a fighter, without tenderness, without scruples, and without remorse. No, he went to Berlin for his own purposes — however dubious those purposes may have been.
And it is curious to observe that in his correspondence with his niece, Madame Denis, whom he had left behind him at the head of his Paris establishment and in whom he confided — in so far as he can be said to have confided in any one — he repeatedly states that there is nothing permanent about his visit to Berlin. At first he declares that he is only making a stay of a few weeks with Frederick, that he is going on to Italy to visit “sa Sainteté” and to inspect “la ville souterraine,” that he will be back in Paris in the autumn. The autumn comes, and the roads are too muddy to travel by; he must wait till the winter, when they Svill be frozen hard. Winter comes, and it is too cold to move; but he will certainly return in the spring. Spring comes, and he is on the point of finishing his Siècle de Louis XIV; he really must wait just a few weeks more. The book is published; but then how can he appear in Paris until he is quite sure of its success? And so he lingers on, delaying and prevaricating, until a whole year has passed, and still he lingers on, still he is on the point of going, and still he does not go. Meanwhile, to all appearances, he was definitely fixed, a salaried official, at Frederick’s court; and he was writing to all his other friends, to assure them that he had never been so happy, that he could see no reason why he should ever come away. What were his true intentions? Could he himself have said? Had he perhaps, in some secret corner of his brain, into which even he hardly dared to look, a premonition of the future? At times, in this Berlin adventure, he seems to resemble some great buzzing fly, shooting suddenly into a room through an open window and dashing frantically from side to side; when all at once, as suddenly, he snoops away and out through another window which opens in quite a different direction, towards wide and flowery fields; so that perhaps the reckless creature knew where he was going after all.
In any case, it is evident to the impartial observer that Voltaire’s visit could only have ended as it did — in an explosion. The elements of the situation were too combustible for any other conclusion. When two confirmed egotists decide, for purely selfish reasons, to set up house together, every one knows what will happen. For some time their sense of mutual advantage may induce them to tolerate each other, but sooner or later human nature will assert itself, and the ménage will break up. And, with Voltaire and Frederick, the difficulties inherent in all such cases were intensified by the fact that the relationship between them was, in effect, that of servant and master; that Voltaire, under a very thin disguise, was a paid menial, while Frederick, condescend as he might, was an autocrat whose will was law. Thus the two famous and perhaps mythical sentences, invariably repeated by historians of the incident, about orangeskins and dirty linen, do in fact sum up the gist of the matter. ” When one has sucked the orange, one throws away the skin,” somebody told Voltaire that the King had said, on being asked how much longer he would put up with the poet’s vagaries. And Frederick, on his side, was informed that Voltaire, when a batch of the royal verses were brought to him for correction, had burst out with “Does the man expect me to go on washing his dirty linen for ever? ” Each knew well enough the weak spot in his position, and each was acutely and uncomfortably conscious that the other knew it too. Thus, but a very few weeks after Voltaire’s arrival, little clouds of discord become visible on the horizon; electrical discharges of irritability begin to take place, growing more and more frequent and violent as time goes on; and one can overhear the pot and the kettle, in strictest privacy, calling each other black. “The monster,” whispers Voltaire to Madame Denis, “he opens all our letters in the post” — Voltaire, whose lighthandedness with other people’s correspondence was only too notorious. “The monkey,” mutters Frederick, “he shows my private letters to his friends” — Frederick, who had thought nothing of betraying Voltaire’s letters to the Bishop of Mirepoix. “How happy I should be here,” exclaims the callous old poet, “but for one thing — his Majesty is utterly heartless!” And meanwhile Frederick, who had never let a farthing escape from his close fist without some very good reason, was busy concocting an epigram upon the avarice of Voltaire.
It was, indeed, Voltaire’s passion for money which brought on the first really serious storm. Three months after his arrival in Berlin, the temptation to increase his already considerable fortune by a stroke of illegal stock-jobbing proved too strong for him; he became involved in a series of shady financial transactions with a Jew; he quarrelled with the Jew; there was an acrimonious lawsuit, with charges and counter-charges of the most discreditable kind; and, though the Jew lost his case on a technical point, the poet certainly did not leave the court without a stain upon his character.
Among other misdemeanours, it is almost certain — the evidence is not quite conclusive — that he committed forgery in order to support a false oath. Frederick was furious, and for a moment was on the brink of dismissing Voltaire from Berlin. He would have been wise if he had done so. But he could not part with his beau génie so soon. He cracked his whip, and, setting the monkey to stand in the corner, contented himself with a shrug of the shoulders and the exclamation “C,’est l’affaire d’un fripon qui a voulu tromper un filou.” A few weeks later the royal favour shone forth once more, and Voltaire, who had been hiding himself in a suburban villa, came out and basked again in those refulgent beams.
And the beams were decidedly refulgent — so much so, in fact, that they almost satisfied even the vanity of Voltaire. Almost, but not quite. For, though his glory was great, though he was the centre of all men’s admiration, courted by nobles, flattered by princesses — there is a letter from one of them, a sister of Frederick’s, still extant, wherein the trembling votaress ventures to praise the great man’s works, which, she says, “vous rendent si celebre et immortel”– though he had ample leisure for his private activities, though he enjoyed every day the brilliant conversation of the King, though he could often forget for weeks together that he was the paid servant of a jealous despot — yet, in spite of all, there was a crumpled rose-leaf amid the silken sheets, and he lay awake o’ nights. He was not the only Frenchman at Frederick’s court. That monarch had surrounded himself with a small group of persons — foreigners for the most part — whose business it was to instruct him when he wished to improve his mind, to flatter him when he was out of temper, and to entertain him when he was bored. There was hardly one of them that was not thoroughly second-rate. Algarotti was an elegant dabbler in scientific matters — he had written a book to explain Newton to the ladies; d’Argens was an amiable and erudite writer of a dull free-thinking turn; Chasot was a retired military man with too many debts, and Darget was a good-natured secretary with too many love affairs; La Mettrie was a doctor who had been exiled from France for atheism and bad manners; and Pollnitz was a decaying baron who, under stress of circumstances, had unfortunately been obliged to change his religion six times.
These were the boon companions among whom Frederick chose to spend his leisure hours. Whenever he had nothing better to do, he would exchange rhymed epigrams with Algarotti, or discuss the Jewish religion with d’Argens, or write long improper poems about Darget, in the style of La Pucelle. Or else he would summon La Mettrie, who would forthwith prove the irrefutability of materialism in a series of wild paradoxes, shout with laughter, suddenly shudder and cross himself on upsetting the salt, and eventually pursue his majesty with his buffooneries into a place where even royal persons are wont to be left alone. At other times Frederick would amuse himself by first cutting down the pension of Pollnitz, who was at the moment a Lutheran, and then writing long and serious letters to him suggesting that if he would only become a Catholic again he might be made a Silesian Abbot. Strangely enough, Frederick was not popular, and one or other of the inmates of his little menagerie was constantly escaping and running away. Darget and Chasot both succeeded in getting through the wires; they obtained leave to visit Paris, and stayed there. Poor d’Argens often tried to follow their example; more than once he set off for France, secretly vowing never to return; but he had no money, Frederick was blandishing, and the wretch was always lured back to captivity. As for La Mettrie, he made his escape in a different manner — by dying after supper one evening of a surfeit of pheasant pie. “Jesus! Marie!” he gasped, as he felt the pains of death upon him. “Ah! ” said a priest who had been sent for, “vous voila- enfin retourne a ces noms consolateurs.” La Mettrie, with an oath, expired; and Frederick, on hearing of this unorthodox conclusion, remarked, “J’en suis bien aise, pour le repos de son ame.”
Among this circle of down-at-heel eccentrics there was a single figure whose distinction and respectability stood out in striking contrast from the rest — that of Maupertuis, who had been, since 1745, the President of the Academy of Sciences at Berlin. Maupertuis has had an unfortunate fate: he was first annihilated by the ridicule of Voltaire, and then re-created by the humour of Carlyle; but he was an ambitious man, very anxious to be famous, and his desire has been gratified in over-flowing measure. During his life he was chiefly known for his voyage to Lapland, and his observations there, by which he was able to substantiate the Newtonian doctrine of the flatness of the earth at the poles. He possessed considerable scientific attainments, he was honest, he was energetic; he appeared to be just the man to revive the waning glories of Prussian science; and when Frederick succeeded in inducing him to come to Berlin as President of his Academy the choice seemed amply justified. Maupertuis had, moreover, some pretensions to wit; and in his earlier days his biting and elegant sarcasms had more than once overwhelmed his scientific adversaries. Such accomplishments suited Frederick admirably. Maupertuis, he declared, was an homme d’ésprit, and the happy President became a constant guest at the royal supper-parties. It was the happy — the too happy — President who was the roseleaf in the bed of Voltaire. The two men had known each other slightly for many years, and had always expressed the highest admiration for each other; but their mutual amiability was now to be put to a severe test. The sagacious Buffon observed the danger from afar: “ces deux hommes,” he wrote to a friend, one sont pas faits pour demeurer ensemble dans la meme chambre.” And indeed to the vain and sensitive poet, uncertain of Frederick’s cordiality, suspicious of hidden enemies, intensely jealous of possible rivals, the spectacle of Maupertuis at supper, radiant, at his ease, obviously respected, obviously superior to the shady mediocrities who sat around — that sight was gall and wormwood; and he looked closer, with a new malignity; and then those piercing eyes began to make discoveries, and that relentless brain began to do its work.
Maupertuis had very little judgment; so far from attempting to conciliate Voltaire, he was rash enough to provoke hostilities. It was very natural that he should have lost his temper. He had been for five years the dominating figure in the royal circle, and now suddenly he was deprived of his pre-eminence and thrown completely into the shade.
Who could attend to Maupertuis while Voltaire was talking? — Voltaire, who as obviously outshone Maupertuis as Maupertuis outshone La Mettrie and Darget and the rest. In his exasperation the President went to the length of openly giving his protection to a disreputable literary man, La Beaumelle, who was a declared enemy of Voltaire. This meant war, and war was not long in coming.
Some years previously Maupertuis had, as he believed, discovered an important mathematical law — the “principle of least action.” The law was, in fact, important, and has had a fruitful history in the development of mechanical theory; but, as Mr. Jourdain has shown in a recent monograph, Maupertuis enunciated it incorrectly, without realising its true import, and a far more accurate and scientific statement of it was given, within a few months, by Euler. Maupertuis, however, was very proud of his-discovery, which, he considered, embodied one of the principal reasons for believing in the existence of God; and he was therefore exceedingly angry when, shortly after Voltaire’s arrival in Berlin, a Swiss mathematician, Koenig, published a polite memoir attacking both its accuracy and its originality, and quoted in support of his contention an unpublished letter by Leibnitz, in which the law was more exactly expressed. Instead of arguing upon the merits of the case, Maupertuis declared that the letter of Leibnitz was a forgery, and that therefore Koenig’s remarks deserved no further consideration. When Koenig expostulated, Maupertuis decided upon a more drastic step. He summoned a meeting of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, of which Koenig was a member, laid E the case before it, and moved that it should solemnly pronounce Koenig a forger, and the letter of Leibnitz supposititious and false. The members of the Academy were frightened; their pensions depended upon the President’s good will; and even the illustrious Euler was not ashamed to take part in this absurd and disgraceful condemnation.
Voltaire saw at once that his opportunity had come. Maupertuis had put himself utterly and irretrievably in the wrong. He was wrong in attributing to his discovery a value which it did not possess; he was wrong in denying the authenticity of the Leibnitz letter; above all he was wrong in treating a purely scientific question as the proper subject for the disciplinary jurisdiction of an Academy. If Voltaire struck now, he would have his enemy on the hip. There was only one consideration to give him pause, and that was a grave one: to attack Maupertuis upon this matter was, in effect, to attack the King. Not only was Frederick certainly privy to Maupertuis’ action, but he was extremely sensitive of the reputation of his Academy and of its President, and he would certainly consider any interference on the part of Voltaire, who himself drew his wages from the royal purse, as a flagrant act of disloyalty. But Voltaire decided to take the risk. He had now been more than two years irt Berlin, and the atmosphere of a Court was beginning to weigh upon his spirit; he was restless, he was reckless, he was spoiling for a fight; he would take on Maupertuis singly or Maupertuis and Frederick combined — he did not much care which, and in any case he flattered himself that he would settle the hash of the President.
As a preparatory measure, he withdrew all his spare cash from Berlin, and invested it with the Duke of Wurtemberg. “Je mets tout doucement ordre a mes affairs he told Madame Denis. Then, on September I8, 1752, there appeared in the papers a short article entitled ” Reponse d’un Academicien de Berlin a un Academicien de Paris.”It was a statement, deadly in its bald simplicity, its studied coldness, its concentrated force, of Koenig’s case against Maupertuis. The President must have turned pale as he read it; but the King turned crimson. The terrible indictment could, of courses only have been written by one man, and that man was receiving a royal pension of £800 a years and carrying about a Chamberlain’s gold key in his pocket. Frederick flew to his writing-table, and composed an indignant pamphlet, which he caused to be published with the Prussian arms on the title-page. It was a feeble work, full of exaggerated praises of Maupertuis, and of clumsy invectives against Voltaire: the President’s reputation was gravely compared to that of Homer; the author of the “Reponse d’un Academicien de Berlin” was declared to be a “faiseur de libelles sans genies” and “imposteur effrontery a “malheureux ecrivain “; while the is Reponse “itself was a “grossierete plated whose publication was an “action malicieuse, laché infame,” a “brigandage affreux.” The presence of the royal insignia only intensified the futility of the outburst. “L’aigle, le sceptré et la couronne,” wrote Voltaire to Madame Denis, “sont bien etonnes de se trouver la.” But one thing was now certain: the King had joined the fray. Voltaire’s blood was up, and he was not sorry. A kind of exaltation seized him; from this moment his course was clear — he would do as much damage as he could7 and then leave Prussia for ever. And it so happened that just then an unexpected opportunity occurred for one of those furious onslaughts so dear to his heart with that weapon which he knew so well how to wield. “Je n’ai point de sceptre,” he ominously shot out to Madame Denis, “mais j’ai une plume.”
Meanwhile the life of the Court — which passed for the most part at Potsdam, in the little palace of Sans Souci which Frederick had built for himself — proceeded on its accustomed course. It was a singular life, half military, half monastic, rigid retired from which all the ordinary pleasures of society were strictly excluded. “What do you do here? ” one of the royal princes was once asked. “We conjugate the verbs’ennuyer,” was the reply. But, wherever he might be, that was a verb unknown to Voltaire. Shut up all day in the strange little room, still preserved for the eyes of the curious with its windows opening on the formal gardens and its yellow walls thickly embossed with the brightly coloured shapes of fruits, flowers, and birds, the indefatigable old man worked away at his histories his tragedies his Precede, and his enormous correspondence. He was, of course, ill — very ill; he was probably, in fact, upon the brink of death; but he had grown accustomed to that situation; and the worse he grew the more furiously he worked. He was a victim he declared of erysipelas, dysentery and scurvy; he was constantly attacked by fever, and all his teeth had fallen out. But he continued to work. On one occasion a friend visited him, and found him in bed. “J’ai quatre maladies mortelles,” he wailed. “Pourtant,” remarked the friend, “vous avez l’til fort bon.” Voltaire leapt up from the pillows: “Ne savez-vous pas,” he shouted, “que les scorbutiques meurent l’oeil enflammé?” When the evening came it was time to dress, and, in all the pomp of flowing wig and diamond orders to proceed to the little music-room, where his Majesty, after the business of the day, was preparing to relax himself upon the flute. The orchestra was gathered together; the audience was seated; the concerto began. And then the sounds of beauty flowed and trembled and seemed for a little spaces to triumph over the pains of the living and the hard hearts of men; and the royal master poured out his skill in some long and elaborate cadenzas and the adagio came, the marvellous adagio and the conqueror of Rossbach drew tears from the author of Candide. But a moment later it was supper-time; and the night ended in the oval dining room amid laughter and champagnes the ejaculations of La Mettrie, the epigrams of Maupertuis, the sarcasms of Frederick and the devastating coruscations of Voltaire.
Yet, in spite of all the jests and roses, everyone could hear the rumbling of the volcano under the ground. Everyone could hears but nobody would listen; the little flames leapt up through the surface, but still the gay life went on; and then the irruption came. Voltaire’s enemy had written a book. In the intervals of his more serious labours, the President had put together a series of “Letters,” in which a number of miscellaneous scientific subjects were treated in a mildly speculative and popular style. The volume was rather dull, and very unimportant; but it happened to appear at this particular moment, and Voltaire pounced upon it with the swift swoop of a hawk on a mouse. The famous Diatribe do Docteur Akakia is still fresh with a fiendish gaiety after a hundred and fifty years; but to realise to the full the skill and malice which went to the making of it, one must at least have glanced at the flat insipid production which called it forth, and noted with what a diabolical art the latent absurdities in poor Maupertuis’ reverieshave been detected dragged forth into the light of day, and nailed to the pillory of an immortal ridicule. The Diatribe, however, is not all mere laughter; there is a real criticism in its too. For instance, it was not simply a farcical exaggeration to say that Maupertuis had set out to prove the existence of God by “A plus B divided by Z”; in substances the charge was both important and well founded. “Lorsque la métaphysique entre dans la géometrie,” Voltaire wrote in a private letter some months afterwards “c’est Arimane qui entre dans le royaume d’Oromasde, et qui y apporte des ténèbres”; and Maupertuis had in fact vitiated his treatment of the “principle of least action” by his metaphysical preoccupations. Indeed, all through Voltaire’s pamphlet there is an implied appeal to true scientific principles, an underlying assertion of the paramount importance of the experimental method, a consistent attack upon a priori reasoning, loose statement, and vague conjecture. But of course, mixed with all this, and covering it all, there is a bubbling, sparkling fountain of effervescent raillery — cruel, personal insatiable — the raillery of a demon with a grudge. The manuscript was shown to Frederick who laughed till the tears ran down his cheeks. But, between his gasps, he forbade Voltaire to publish it on pain of his most terrible displeasure. Naturally Voltaire was profuse with promises and a few days later, under a royal licence obtained for another work the little book appeared in print. Frederick still managed to keep his wrath within bounds: he collected all the copies of the edition and had them privately destroyed; he gave a furious wigging to Voltaire; and he flattered himself that he had heard the last of the business.
Ne vous embarrasses de rien, mon cher Maupertuis [he wrote to the President in his singular orthography]; l’affaire des libelles est finie. J’ai parlé si vrai à l’hôme, je lui ai lavé si bien la tête que je ne crois pas qu’il y retourne, et je connais son âme lache, incapable de sentiments d’honneur. be l’ai intimidé du côté de la boursse, ce qui a fait tout beget que j’attendais. Je lui ai déclaré enfin nettement que ma maison devait être un sanctuaire et non une retraite de brigands ou de célérats qui distillent des poissons.
Apparently it did not occur to Frederick that this declaration had come a little late in the day. Meanwhile Maupertuis, overcome by illness and by rage, had taken to his bed. “Un peu trop d’amour-propre,” Frederick wrote to Darget, “I’a rendu trop sensible aux manceuvres d’un singe quail devait mepriser apres queen l’avait fouette.” But now the monkey had been whipped and doubtless all would be well.
It seems strange that Frederick should stills after more than t wo years of close observations have had no notion of the material he was dealing with. He might as well have supposed that he could stop a mountain torrent in spate with a wave of his hands as have imagined that he could impose o bedience upon Voltaire in such a crisis by means of a lecture and a threat ” du cote de la boursse.” Before the month was out all Germany was swarming with Akakias; thousands of copies were being printed in Holland; and editions were going off in Paris like hot cakes. It is difficult to withhold one’s admiration from the audacious old spirit who thus, on the mere strength of his mother-wits dared to defy the enraged master of a powerful state. “Votre effronterie m’etonne,” fulminated Frederick in a furious notes when he suddenly discovered that all Europe was ringing with the absurdity of the man whom he had chosen to be the President of his favourite Academy, whose cause he had publicly espoused and whom he had privately assured of his royal protection. “Ah! Mon Dieu, Siren” scribbled Voltaire on the same sheet of paper, ” dans l’etat ou je suis! ” He was, of course, once more dying. ” Quoi ! vous me jugeriez sans entendre! be demande justice et la mort.” Frederick replied by having copies of Akakia burnt by the common hangman in the streets of Berlin. Voltaire thereupon returned his Order, his gold key, and his pension. It might have been supposed that the final rupture had now really come at last. But three months elapsed before Frederick could bring himself to realise that all was over, and to agree to the departure of his extraordinary guest. Carlyle’s suggestion that this last delay arose from the unwillingness of Voltaire to go, rather than from Frederick’s desire to keep him, is plainly controverted by the facts. The King not only insisted on Voltaire’s accepting once again the honours which he had surrendered, but actually went so far as to write him a letter of forgiveness and reconciliation. But the poet would not relent; there was a last week of suppers at Potsdam — ” soupers de Damocles ” Voltaire called them; and then, on March 26, 1753, the two men parted for ever.
The storm seemed to be over; but the tail of it was still changing in the wind. Voltaire: on his way to the waters of Plombieres, stopped at Leipzig, where he could not resist, in spite of his repeated promises to the contrary, the temptation to bring out a new and enlarged edition of Akakia.
Upon this Maupertuis utterly lost his head: he wrote to Voltaire, threatening him with personal chastisement. Voltaire issued yet another edition of Akakia, appended a somewhat unauthorised version of the President’s letter, and added that if the dangerous and cruel man really persisted in his threat he would be received with a vigorous discharge from those instruments of intimate utility which figure so Freely in the comedies of Moliere. This stroke was the coup de grace of Maupertuis. Shattered in body and mind, he Dragged himself from Berlin to die at last in Basle under the ministrations of a couple of Capuchins and a Protestant valet reading aloud the Genevan Bible. In the meantime Frederick had decided on a violent measure. He had suddenly remembered that Voltaire had carried off with him one of the very few privately printed copies of those poetical works upon which he had spent so much devoted labour; it occurred to him that they contained several passages of a highly damaging kind; and he could feel no certainty that those passages would not be given to the world by the malicious Frenchman. Such, at any rate, were his own excuses for the step which he now took; but it seems possible that he was at least partly swayed by feelings of resentment and revenge which had been rendered uncontrollable by the last onslaught upon Maupertuis. Whatever may have been his motives, it is certain that he ordered the Prussian Resident in Frankfort, which was Voltaire’s next stopping-place, to hold the poet in arrest until he delivered over the royal volume. A multitude of strange blunders and ludicrous incidents followed, upon which much controversial and patriotic ink has been spilt by a succession of French and German biographers. To an English reader it is clear that in this little comedy of errors none of the parties concerned can escape from blame — that Voltaire was hysterical, undignified, and untruthful, that the Prussian Resident was stupid and domineering, that Frederick was careless in his orders and cynical as to their results. Nor, it is to be hoped, need any Englishman be reminded that the consequences of a system of government in which the arbitrary will of an individual takes the place of the rule of law are apt to be disgraceful and absurd.
After five weeks’ detention at Frankfort, Voltaire was free free in every sense of the word — free from the service of Kings and the clutches of Residents, free in his own mind, free to shape his own destiny. He hesitated for several months, and then settled down by the Lake of Geneva. There the fires, which had lain smouldering so long in the profundities of his spirit, flared up, and flamed over Europe, towering and inextinguishable. In a few years letters began to flow once more to and from Berlin. At first the old grievances still rankled; but in time even the wrongs of Maupertuis and the misadventures of Frankfort were almost forgotten. Twenty years passed, and the King of Prussia was submitting his verses as anxiously as ever to Voltaire, whose compliments and cajoleries were pouring out in their accustomed stream. But their relationship was no longer that of master and pupil, courtier and King; it was that of two independent and equal powers. Even Frederick the Great was forced to see at last in the Patriarch of Ferney something more than a monkey with a genius for French versification. He actually came to respect the author of Akakia, and to cherish his memory. ” Je lui fais tous les matins ma priere,” he told d’Alembert, when Voltaire had been two years in the grave; ” je lui dis, Divin Voltaire, ora pro nobis.”
Birth 24 Jan 1712 Berlin Sex Male Lived In Germany Complete * Died 17 Aug 1786 Potsdam Person ID I00008574 Leo Last Modified 12 Aug 1996 Father Friedrich Wilhelm I, King in Prussia 1713-1740 , b. 14 Aug 1688, Berlin Mother Sophie Dorothea, Prinzessin von Hannover , b. 16 Mar 1687, Hannover Family ID F00004148 Group Sheet Family Princess Elisabeth Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, b. 8 Nov 1715, Wolfenbüttel, Castle Bevern Married 12 Jun 1733 Schloss Salzadahlum Last Modified 02 Mar 2000 Family ID F00004812 Group Sheet
Portraits 1712 1712
His youth was overshadowed by his father suffering from porphyria, bringing first fear for his father’s outbursts but later, with his favourite sister Wilhelmine, they would tease him. However, he was sadistically treated and humiliated in public because his father disapproved of his playing the flute and did not appear to be the soldier his father wanted him to be.
At the age of eighteen he failed when trying to flee his father’s territories accompanied by his friend Lieutenant von Katte. They were caught and Friedrich was forced to watch Katte’s execution. For a period Friedrich was kept imprisoned and, in 1733, had to accept Princess Elisabeth Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel as his bride.
In 1740 he succeeded his father and it was expected that he would indulge in his artistic pursuits and leave the governing to his ministers. The territories to which Friedrich II succeeded were two large areas, the March of Brandenburg and East Prussia, as well as many small areas scattered in the west of Germany. He also inherited a splendid army and, within four months of his accession, he bullied an aged bishop into paying a huge indemnity. A small incident, but it made Europe’s rulers pay attention to this young newcomer on Europe’s stage.
Before his first year was over he invaded Silesia, one of Austria’s richest provinces, to a small part of which he had a flimsy claim. However, expecting only token opposition from the inexperienced Empress Maria Theresa, he took the whole area. Although the Austrians sent an army, they were defeated and four years of sporadic warfare followed. Friedrich emerged as a great military commander but with Maria Theresa as his arch-enemy. Three times he allied himself with France but breaking these alliances whenever it suited him. He kept Silesia, increasing his territories by a third.
In his rule he was despotic but also surprisingly human and enlightened. His days usually began with flute playing and ended with a concert, but in the hours between he worked hard for his people. He improved the legal system, abolished torture except for high treason, and introduced religious tolerance. He was his own minister of finance and trade and supervised agriculture and industry. All his subjects had access to him, at least in writing.
In 1745 Voltaire called him ‘the Great’ but it was his actions in the Seven Years’ War which really earned him the title. France, Austria and Russia united with Prussia’s destruction in mind. Seven years of bitter warfare followed and Prussia was faced with certain defeat. However, the death of Russia’s Empress, followed by the succession of Friedrich’s admirer, Peter III, halted Russia’s involvement in the war. Then, with support of the English, the French were defeated and finally the Austrians. The peace treaty of 1763 left his country intact as well as in possession of Silesia.
Energetically he reconstructed his country and, when he died, he left Prussia more prosperous than it had been before the start of the Seven Years’ War. Also, ‘Old Fritz’ became a cult figure, around which later German nationalist feelings would concentrate.
Sources 1. [S00101] ~L’Allemagne dynastique , Huberty, Giraud, Magdelaine, Reference: vol V page 159
2. [S00008] ~The Royal House of Stuart, London, 1969, 1971, 1976 , Addington, A. C., Reference: page 209.
The Prussian king Frederick the Great was one of the greatest warriors and leaders in modern European history, achieving greatness through the Seven Years War and lauded as a philosopher and cultured ‘Prince of the Enlightenment’. Yet the reputation of both Frederick and his Prussia was to be tarnished by association with Hitler’s Nazi regime. Historian Christopher Clark re-examines the life and achievements of one of Germany’s most colourful and controversial leaders.
Last broadcast on BBC Four December 12th 2010
Prussia was one of the five modern great powers. The other great powers were Austria, France, Russia and the United Kingdom. Prussia is the only country of these which disappeared completely from the European map. The Prussian borders changed very often. Prussia had a great influence on German and European history. Its rival was Austria, because Prussia and Austria both wanted to control the rest of Germany.
The Prussians were originally a Baltic (so a non-German) people, who were conquered by German crusaders in the 13th century. They slowly became germanized in the course of the following centuries. In 1525, Prussia gained independence from the State of the Teutonic Order, but remained formally a fief of Poland (which was again part of the Poland-Lithuania). In 1618, the Duchy of Prussia was inherited by the monarch of Brandenburg. In 1657, the Duchy of Prussia (so only the far eastern part of Brandenburg-Prussia) was no longer a fief of Poland. In 1701, the monarch of Brandenburg-Prussia raised his royal rank to “king in Prussia” (the title “king OF Prussia” came later, in 1772), thus all his lands, even those in modern-day Germany, became known as “Prussia”.
Some modern-day traces of Prussia:
– the Iron Cross as the symbol of the present-day German army
– the Prussian pragmatic mentality can be seen in the present-day Germans
– the black and white colours in German national football team (black and white were the colours of the Prussian flag).
– Borussia Dortmund football club (Borussia is the Latin name for Prussia)
– the colour “Prussian blue”
First song: Preußens Gloria, composed by Johann Gottfried Piefke in 1871.
Second song (from 1:29): unknown
Last song (from 3:35): Der treue Husar, an old German folk song, here in its march form.
In the XIX Century the Chilean Army was trained and equiped by Prussia and then Germany (up until 1945). There is still a heavy influence of German traditions and equipment in the Chilean Army. You will see pickelhaube helmets, M42 helmets (in vulkanized fiber), and even Leopard battle tanks in parades and ceremonies.
German inmigrants started arriving in Chile in 1846. Germany, and Prussia in particular, was admired in Chile for its organisation and productivity; for the rest of the century, these new immigrants set up farms, small businesses, and schools so self-contained and successful that some pupils were still being taught in German in 1974. More ominously for the future, Prussian military advisers were also hired by the Chilean army. The Prussian traditions of military self-importance and involvement in politics would be thoroughly absorbed.